Kitobni o'qish: «Log-book of Timothy Boardman»

PREFACE

Under the auspices of the Rutland County Historical Society, is published the Log-Book of Timothy Boardman, one of the pioneer settlers of the town of Rutland, Vermont. This journal was kept on board the privateer, Oliver Cromwell, during two cruises; the second one from New London, Conn., to Charleston, S. C.; the third from Charleston to New London, in the year 1778. It seems that the Log-Book of the first cruise was either lost, never kept, or Mr. Boardman was not one of the crew to keep it. It was kept as a private diary without any view to its ever being published.

When this manuscript, on coarse, unruled paper, was brought to light, it came to the knowledge of the officers of the county historical society, who, at once, decided that it was a document of considerable value and should be published. Correspondence was accordingly opened with the Rev. Samuel W. Boardman, D.D., of Stanhope, New Jersey, a grandson of Timothy, to whom this document properly belonged, asking his permission to allow the society to publish it. The Reverend Doctor immediately gave his consent; and in his own words: “Supposed it was largely dry details. Still these may throw side lights of value, on the history of the times.” At the same time he also consented to furnish a biographical sketch of his grandfather to be published with the Log-Book. Accordingly the sketch was prepared, but it proves to be not only a sketch, but a valuable genealogy of that branch of the Boardman family. This sketch was collected from many sources, mostly from manuscripts.

The Boardmans in Rutland county are all known as a strictly industrious, upright, religious, scholarly race; and they are so interwoven with the early history, business and educational interests of the county, that this document must meet with general favor and interest.

John M. Currier,

Sec. of the Rutland County

Historical Society.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

There is still preserved a letter from England, written in a fine hand, with red ink, dated Obeydon? Feb. 5, 1641, and directed,

“to her very loveing sonne Samuel Boreman, Ipswich in New England give this with haste.”

The letter is as follows:

“Good sonne, I have receaved your letter: whereby I understand that you are in good health, for which I give God thanks, as we are all – Praised be God for the same. Whereas you desire to see your brother Christopher with you, he is not ready for so great a journey, nor do I think he dare take upon him so dangerous a voyage. Your five sisters are all alive and in good health and remember their love to you. Your father hath been dead almost this two years, and thus troubleing you no further at this time, I rest, praying to God to bless you and your wife, unto whome we all kindly remember our loves.

Your ever loving mother,

“Julian Borman.”

This letter exhibits many of the characteristics of the Puritans to whom the Bormans belonged. They were intensely religious; this short letter contains the name of God three times and speaks of both prayer and praise. The Puritans were an intelligent people, reading and writing; this letter is a specimen of the correspondence carried on between the earliest settlers and their kindred whom they had left in England. They were an affectionate people, “remembering their loves” to one another; and praying, for one another, as this mother did for her son and his wife. This short letter has the word “love” four times.

They were a persistent people, those who came hither did not shrink from the hardships around them. They came to stay, and sent back for their friends. Samuel desired Christopher to follow him. Many of their families were large, there were at least nine members of this Puritan household. Samuel was born probably about 1610; he had emigrated from England in 1635 or 1636. His name is found at Ipswich, Mass., about 1637 where land was assigned to him. Ipswich had been organized in 1635 with some of the most intelligent and wealthy colonists. His father died after Samuel’s emigration to America, in 1639. His wife’s name was Mary; their oldest child, so far as we have record, was Isaac, born at Wethersfield, Ct., Feb. 3, 1642. He probably journeyed through the wilderness from Ipswich, Mass., which is twenty-six miles north of Boston, to Wethersfield, Ct., about one hundred and fifty miles, in 1639 or 1640.

Between 1630 and 1640 many of the best families in England sent representatives to America. It is said that Oliver Cromwell was at one time on the point of coming. Between February and August, 1630, seventeen ships loaded with families, bringing their cattle, furniture and other worldly goods, arrived. One ship of four hundred tons brought one hundred and forty passengers, others perhaps a larger number. Among them were Matthew and Priscilla Grant, from whom Gen. Grant was of the eighth generation in descent. Bancroft says, “Many of them had been accustomed to ease and affluence; an unusual proportion were graduates of Cambridge and Oxford. The same rising tide of strong English sense and piety, which soon overthrew tyranny forever in the British Isles, under Cromwell, was forcing the best blood in England to these shores.” The shores of New England says George P. Marsh, were then sown with the finest of wheat; Plymouth Rock had but just received the pilgrims; the oldest cottages and log-cabins on the coast were yet new, when Samuel Boreman first saw them. The Puritans were a people full of religion, ministers came with their people; they improved the time on the voyage, Roger Clap’s diary, kept on shipboard 1630, says, “So we came by the good hand of our God through the deep comfortably, having preaching and expounding of the word of God every day for ten weeks together by our ministers.” Mr. Blaine says that the same spirit which kept Cromwell’s soldiers at home to fight for liberty after 1640, impelled men to America before that time, so that there was probably never an emigration, in the history of the world, so influential as that to New England from 1620 to 1643.

It is possible that Christopher Boreman fought and perhaps fell in the army of the commonwealth. But why did so many of the early settlers, quickly leave the Atlantic coast for the Connecticut valley? Their first historians say there was even then “a hankering for new land.” They wished also to secure it from occupation by the Dutch who were entering it. Reports of its marvelous fertility, says Bancroft, had the same effect on their imagination, as those concerning the Genesee and Miami have since exerted, inducing the “western fever,” “Young man go West.” The richness of the soil of the Wethersfield meadows has been celebrated as widely as the aroma of its onions. It is only three miles from Hartford and was for two centuries one of the most prominent communities in Connecticut. There was scarcely a more cultured society anywhere. “It were a sin,” said the early colonists “to leave so fertile a land unimproved.” The Pequod war had annihilated a powerful and hostile tribe on the Thames in 1637. Six hundred Indians perished, only two whites were killed. Connecticut was long after that comparatively safe from Indians. In 1639, the people formed themselves into a body politic by a voluntary association. The elective franchise belonged to all the members of the towns who had taken the oath of allegiance to the commonwealth. It was the most perfect democracy which had ever been organized. It rested on free labor. “No jurisdiction of the English monarch was recognized; the laws of honest justice were the basis of their commonwealth. They were near to nature. These humble emigrants invented an admirable system. After two centuries and a half, the people of Connecticut desire no essential change from the government established by their Puritan fathers.” (Bancroft).

The first emigration of Puritans to the Connecticut river is supposed to have been to “Pyquag,” now Wethersfield, in 1634. The next year 1635, witnessed the first to Windsor and Hartford; while in the following year 1636, Rev. Thomas Hooker and his famous colony made the forest resound with psalms of praise, as in June, they made their pilgrimage from the seaside “to the delightful banks” of the Connecticut. Hooker was esteemed, “The light of the western churches,” and a lay associate, John Haynes, had been governor of Massachusetts. The church at Wethersfield was organized while Mrs. Boreman’s letter given above, was on its way, Feb. 28, 1641; Samuel and Mary Boreman were undoubtedly among its earliest members. His first pastor there was Rev. Richard Denton, whom Cotton Mather describes, as “a little man with a great soul, an accomplished mind in a lesser body, an Iliad in a nutshell; blind of an eye, but a great seer; seeing much of what eye hath not seen.” In the deep forests, amid the cabins of settlers, and the wigwams of savages, he composed a system of Divinity entitled “Soliloquia Sacra.” Rev. John Sherman, born in Dedham, England, Dec. 26, 1613, educated at Cambridge, who came to America in 1634, also preached here for a short time. He was afterwards settled at Watertown Mass., had twenty-two children and died in 1685. The colony at New Haven, which was soon united with them, was founded in 1638, under Rev. John Davenport and Gov. Theophilus Eaton. They first met under an oak and afterward in a barn. After a day of fasting and prayer they established their first civil government on a simple plantation covenant “to obey the Scriptures.” Only church members had the franchise; the minister gave a public charge to the governor to judge righteously, with the text: “The cause that is too hard for you bring it unto me, and I will hear it,” “Thus,” says Bancroft, “New Haven made the Bible its statute book, and the elect its freemen.” The very atmosphere of New Haven is still full of the Divine favor distilled from the honor thus put upon God’s word in the foundation of its institutions. There were five capital qualities which greatly distinguished the early New England Puritans. I. Good intellectual endowments; they were of the party of Milton and Cromwell. II. Intense religiousness; the names Pilgrim and Puritan, are synonymous with zealous piety. III. Education; many were graduates of colleges; they founded Harvard in 1636. IV. Business thrift; godliness has the promise of the world that now is, as well as of that which is to come. V. Public spirit; they immediately built churches, schools, court houses, and state houses.

The newly married son to whom Julian Borman, the Puritan widow, with seven children, wrote from England in 1641, obviously partook of these common characteristics. He was soon recognized as a young man to be relied upon. “Few of the first settlers of Connecticut,” says Hinman, author of the genealogy of the Puritans, “came here with a better reputation, or sustained it more uniformly through life.”

In 1646-7-8. He was a juror.

1649. Appointed by the Gen. Court, sealer of weights and measures.

1657-8-9-60-61-62-63, and many years afterward, representative of Wethersfield in the Legislature of Connecticut, styled “Deputy to the General Court.”

Hinman says, few men, if any, in the colony, represented their own town for so many sessions.

1660. On the grand jury of the colony.

1670. Nominated assistant.

1662. Distributor of William’s estate.

1662. Appointed by Gen. Court on committee to pay certain taxes.

1665. Chairman of a committee appointed by the Legislature, to settle with the Indians the difficulty about the bounds of land near Middletown, “in an equitable way.”

1660. On a similar committee to purchase of the Indians Thirty Mile Island.

1665. Chairman of a committee of the Legislature to report on land, petitioned for by G. Higby.

1663. Appointed chairman of committee to lay out the bounds of Middletown.

He died just two hundred and twelve years ago in April, 1673. His estate was appraised by the selectmen of Wethersfield, May 2, 1673 at £742, 15s, about $4,000. His son Isaac then 31 years old is not named in the settlement of the estate, and had perhaps received his patrimony. He had ten children, seven sons and three daughters, of whom the youngest was six years old; he had three grandchildren, the children of his oldest son, Isaac. All his children received scriptural names, as was common in Puritan families. His descendants are now doubtless several thousands in number. Only a very small part, after two hundred and fifty years, of a man’s descendants bear his name. His daughters and their descendants, his sons’ daughters and their descendants, one-half, three-quarters, seven-eights, diverge from the ancestral name, etc., till but a thousandth part, after a few centuries retain the ancestral name, and those who retain it owe to a hundred others as much of their lineage as to him. Such is God’s plan; the race are endlessly interwoven together; no man liveth unto himself. But a few comparatively, of the descendants of Samuel Borman can now be traced. His own name, however, has been carried by them into the United States Senate; into the lower house of Congress; into many State Legislatures; to the bar and to the bench; into many pulpits, and into several chairs of collegiate and professional instruction. Yet these can represent but a few of his descendants who have been equally useful. Probably a larger number of them are still to be found in Connecticut than in any other state. Among them is the family of Rev. Noah Porter, D. D., LL. D., the President of Yale College, who married a daughter of Rev. Dr. N. W. Taylor. The prayers of Julian Borman for “her good sonne” – “her very loving sonne, Samuel Boreman” already reach, under the covenant promise of Him who remembers mercy to a thousand generations, a widely scattered family.

In the above letter the name is spelled both with and without the letter “e” after “r;” the letter “d” is not found until 1712. The letter “a,” was not inserted until 1750; so that the descendants of Samuel, may still bear all these names, Borman, Boreman, Bordman or Boardman, according to the generation at which the line traced, reaches the parent stock. It is said that the name, however spelled, is still pronounced “Borman,” at Wethersfield. The rise of Cromwell in England, the long Parliament, the Westminster Assembly, the execution of Charles the First, the establishment of the commonwealth, its power by sea and land, the death of the Protector, the restoration of Charles the Second, were events of which Samuel must have heard by letter from his brother and sisters, as well as in other ways. He doubtless had numerous kinsmen on the side of both his father and his mother, who were involved in these movements of the times in England. Perhaps Richard Boardman, one of the first two “Traveling Methodist Preachers on the continent,” who came here from England in 1769, was among the descendants.

At the same time the pioneer legislator in the Colonial General Court just established in the wilds of America, was aiding to lay Scriptural foundations for institutions of civil and religious liberty in the New World. He left a Thomas Boreman, perhaps an uncle, in Ipswich, Mass. During the thirty-seven years of his life, after his emigration, he saw new colonies planted at many points along the Atlantic coast. He saw the older colonies constantly strengthened by fresh arrivals, and by the natural increase of the population. Several other Boremans came to New England very early, some of whom may have been his kindred. He accumulated and left a considerable estate for that day, derived in part undoubtedly, from the increase in the value of the new lands, which he had at first occupied, and which he afterward sold at an advanced price. Some in every generation, of his descendants have done likewise; going first north, and east, and then further and further west. One of the descendants of his youngest son Nathaniel, now living, a man of distinguished ability, Hon. E. J. H. Boardman of Marshalltown, Iowa, is said to have amassed in this manner a large fortune.

JOURNAL OF THE SECOND CRUISE

April 7th the Defence had Five Men Broke out With the Small Pox.

9th they Lost a Man wth the Small Pox.

10th Exersisd Cannon & Musquetry.

11th Saw a Sail the Defence Spoke with her She was a Frenchman from Bourdeaux Bound to the West Indies.

13th Crosd the Tropick Shavd & Duck About 60 Men.

14th at four Oclock Afternoon Saw a Sail Bearing E S E. We Gave Chase to her & Came Up With her at 8 Oclock She was a Large French Ship we Sent the Boat on Board of her She Informed us of two English Ships which She Left Sight of at the time we Saw her.

15th at Day Break We saw two Sail Bareing SEbS Distance 2 Leagues We Gave Chase Under a Moderate Sail at 9 °Clock P. M. Came Up with them they at First Shew French Colours to Decoy us when we Came in About half a Mile of us the Ups with English Colours We had Continental Colours Flying We Engaged the Ship Admiral Kepple as Follows When We Came in About 20 Rods of her We Gave her a Bow Gun She Soon Returned us a Stern Chaise & then a Broad Side of Grape & Round Shot Capt Orders Not to fire till we Can See the white of their Eyes We Got Close Under their Larbard Quarter they Began Another Broad Side & then We Began & held Tuff & Tuff for About 2 Glasses & Then she Struck to Us at the Same time the Defence Engaged the Cyrus who as the Kepple Struck Wore Round Under our Stern We Wore Ship & Gave her a Stern Chase at which She Immediately Struck. The Loss on our Side was One Killd & Six Wounded one Mortally Who Soon Died Our Ship was hulld 9 Times with Six Pound Shott Three of which Went through Our Birth one of which wounded the Boatswains yoeman the Loss on their Side was two Killd & Six wounded their Larbourd quarter was well filld with Shott one Nine Pounder went through her Main Mast. Imployd in the After-noon Takeing out the Men & Maning the Prise The Kepple Mounted 20 Guns 18 Six Pounders & two Wooden Do with about 45 Men, the Cyrus Mounted 16 Six Pounders with 35 Men Letters of Marque Bound from Bristol to Jamaica Laden with Dry Goods Paints & C.

18th Capt Day Died.

19th Capt Brown of The Ship Adml Kepple & Capt Dike of the Cyrus with Three Ladies & 8 Men Sett off in a Long Boat for St Kitts Or Captns Parker & Smedleys Permition.

20th Imployd in taking things out of the Prise Viz. One Chist of Holland a Quantity of Hatts & Shoes Cheeses Porter & Some Crockery Ware Small Arms Pistols Hangers two Brass Barrel Blunderbusses a Quantity of Riggen & C.

21st At Three oClock Afternoon we wore Ship to the Southward The Prises Made Sail to the Northward we Lost Sight of them at Six.

May 2nd Sprung Our Foretopmast Struck it & Shipd Another in its Room.

8th Saw a Sail over Our Starboard bow We Gave Chase to her She was a French Guineaman Bound to the Mole With 612 Slaves on Board Our Capt Put 6 Prisoners on Board of Her Left her Just at Dark.

11th At 5 o’Clock in the Morning Saw a Sail at the Windward two Leagues Distance Bearing Down Upon Us we Lay too for her till She Came in half Gun Shott of us the Man at Mast head Cryd out 4 Sail to the Leeward Our Officers Concluded to Make Sail from her Supposing her to be a Frigate of 36 Guns after we Made Sail We Left as Fast as we wanted She Gave Over Chase at two oClock Afternoon She was the Seaford of 28 Guns.

22nd Sprung our Maintop sail Yard.

28th Made the Land at Port Royal.

29th the Ship Struck Bottom Thrice.

30th Came over the Bar this Morning & Arrivd in this Harbour In Company with the Ship Defence Comed by Samll Smedly. Charlestown, Sth. Cna. May ye 30th 1778.

SAILING DIRECTIONS OF THE SECOND CRUISE

An Account of the Months, Days And Knots Run, by the Ship Oliver Cromwell in her Second Cruise.

CONTRACT BETWEEN TIMOTHY BOARDMAN AND CAPT. PARKER.
FOR THE THIRD CRUISE

Charlestown, July 6th, 1778.

Conversation Between Capt Parker & My Self this Day.

Pr. What are you Doing a Shore.

My Sf. I wanted to See You Sir.

Pr. Verry well.

My Sf. The Term of my Inlistment is up & I would be glad of a Discharge Sir.

Pr. I cannot Give you One, the Ship is in Distress Plumb has been trying to Get You away.

My Sf. No Sir, I can have Good Wages here & I think it Better than Privatiering I cant Think of Going for a Single Share I had a hard task Last Cruise & they all Left me.

Pr. You have had a hard task of it & I will Consider you. & You Shall have as Much again as You Expect. Ranny & those that Leave me without a Discharge will Never Get anything you Better go aboard Boardman. I will Consider you & you,ll Lose Nothing by it.

My Sf. I am Obligd to you Sir. & So went on Board.

JOURNAL OF THE THIRD CRUISE

July 24 Weighd Anchor at 5 Fathom hole & Came Over the Bar In Compy with the Notredame a 16 Gun Brig & two Sloops. Mett a French Ship of 28 Guns on the Bar Bound in.

25th A Smooth Sea.

29th Saw A Sail Gave Chace.

30th Saw A Sail Gave Chace.

31st Saw two Sail Gave Chace. Light winds.

August 6th at half after Six Afternoon Saw a Sail & Gave Chace, at 11 Gave her a Bow Gun which Brought her too She was a Big from New Orleans in Missippi Bound to Cape Francois a Spainard Went on Board Kept her All Night & Lett her Go at 10 °Clock the Next Day her Cargo was Furr & Lumber She had Some Englismen on Board the Occasion of our Detaining her So Long.

7th At 5 OClock Afternoon Made the Land the Island of Abaco.

8th at 10 °Clock Harbour Island Bore East Dist 2 Leagues.

9th Hard Gales of wind.

10th Fresh Gales of wind & Heavy Squals.

11th Fresh Breeses & a Rough Sea.

12 at Six Afternoon Caught a Great Turtle which was Kookd the Next Day for the Entertainment of the Gentlemen of the Fleet No Less than 13 Came on Board to Dine.

14 At 2 °Clock P M Harbour Island Bore SbW 1 League Dist Sent the Yoll on Shore The Brig Sent her Boat a Shore too.

15th The two Boats Returned with a two Mast Boat & 4 Men Belonging to New Providence Squally Night & Smart Thunder & Lightning.

16th Crosd the Bahama Banks from 8 Fathom of water to 3¾ Came to Anchor at Night on the Bank.

17th Arrivd at the Abimenes Filld our Water Cask & Hoggd Ship & Boot Topt the Ship.

18th At Day Break Weighd Anchor together with the Rice Thumper Fleet at Noon Parted with Them & Fired 13 Guns the Other fir,d their Guns Which was a 16 Gun Brigg the Notredame Command by Capt Hall A 10 Gun Sloop Comd by Capt Robberts A 12 Gun Sloop Comd by John Crappo or Petweet & Stood to the westward a crossd the Gulf.

19th at Day the Cape of Floriday bore west we stood for it a Crossd the Gulf we Came out of the Gulf in five fathom of Water & Within 30 Rods of a Rieff in the Space of 15 Minutes in About a League of the Shore Which Surprisd the Capt. & Other Officers we have the Ship in Stays & beat off the wind being moderate.

20th Saw a Sail & Gave her Chace & Came Up She was a Saniard a Palacca from Havanna Bound to Spain She Informd us of the Jamaica Fleet that they Passd the Havanna ten Days Back Which made us Give over the Hopes of Seeing them.

22 Saw this Spaniard about a League to the Windward.

23 a Sunday, Saw a Ships Mast in Forenoon & Just at Night A Large Jamaica Puncheon Floating we hoisted out our Boate & went in Persuit of it but Could not Get it we Supposd it was full of Rum this Afternoon a Large Swell brok & Soon after A fine Breese Which Increasd harder in the Morng.

24th Sun about two hours high we Saw white water in About a Mile Under our Lee Bow we Saw the Breakers which was on the Bahama Banks which Surprisd our Officers & Men Greatly we Put our Ship About & had the Good Fortune to Clear them the wind Blew harder we Struck Top Gallant Yards & Lanchd Top Gallant Masts Lay too Under one Leach of the Four Sail Got 6 Nine Pounders Down in the Lower hold & Cleard the Decks of unecessary Lumber The Wind Continued verry hard The air was Verry Thick Just before Night the Sea Came in Over our Larboard Nettens on the Gangway. All the officers Advisd to Cut away the Main Mast which we Did, Just at Dusk, All the hope we had was that it would not Blow harder, but it Continued harder till After Midnight About one oClock it Seemd to Blow in whirlwinds which obligd us to Cut away our Four Mast & Missen Mast. Soon after the Wind Changd to the Eastward which Greatly Encouragd us Being Much Affraid of the Bahama Banks the fore Mast fell to the windward & Knockd our Anchor off the Bow So that we Cut it away for fear it would Make a hole in the Bow of the Ship our Fore Mast Lay along Side for two hours After it fell, it Being Impossible to Get Clear of it We Bent our Cables for fear of the Banks that we Might try to Ride it out if we Got on.

25 Moderated Some But Verry Rough So that we Could Do no work.

26 Got a Jury Mast Up on the Main Mast.

27 Got up Jury Masts on the Fore & Mison Masts.

30 at 8 °Clock in the Morning Saw a Brigg over our weather Bow 2 Leagues Dist We Kept our Course She Stood the Same way Just at Night we gave her two Guns but She kept on at Night we Lost Sight of her.

31st at 5 in the Morning Saw the Brigg a Head Gave her Chace Came up with her about Noon we hoisted our Colours She hoisted English Colours, we Gave her one gun which made them come Tumbling Down.

Septr 1st We Saw a Sail a Head Giving us Chace She hoisted Englis Colours & we & the Brigg hoisted English Colours She Came Down towards us we Put the Ship about & She Came Close too us we up Parts & Our Colours She put about & we Gave her about 12 Guns Bow Chaces & She Got Clear She was a Small Sloop of 6 or 8 Guns.

Sept 2nd Got Soundings of Cape May 45 Fathm.

Sept 3rd at Night Lost Sight of The Prise.

Sept 4th Saw a Sail A Privatier Schoner She kept Round us all Day & hoisted English Colours we hoisted English Colours but She thought Best Not to Speak with.

Sept 5th Made the Land at 9 °Clock in the Morning the South Side of Long Island against South Hampton & Came to Anchor Under Fishes Island at 12 °Clock at Night Saw five Sail at 2 Afternoon Standing to the Westward two of them Ships.

Sept 6th 1778 New London. Arrivd in this Harbour.

SAILING DIRECTIONS OF THE THIRD CRUISE

An Account of the Months, Days, & Knots the Ship Olvr Cromwell Run the Third Cruise.

GUNNER’S REMARKS

REMARKS OF OUR GUNNER ON CHARLESTOWN, IN S. C

Charlestown is Pleasantly Situated on Ashley River on verry low Land it was Extreamly well Built but the Fire which happend in January last has Spoiled the Beauty of the Place, it may if times alter be as pleasant & Beautifull with Regard to ye Buildings as ever. But I Cannot Behold such a Number of my fellow beings (altho Differing in Complexion) Dragged from the Place of their Nativity, brought into a Country not to be taught the Principles of Religion & the Rights of Freeman, but to Be Slaves to Masters, who having Nothing but Interest in View without ever Weting their own Shoes, Drive these fellows to the Most Severe Services, I say I cannot behold these things without Pain. And Expressing my Sorrow that are Enlightend People, a People Professing Christianity Should treat any of God’s creatures in Such a Manner as I have Seen them treated Since my arrival at this Place. & I thank God who Gave me a Disposition to Prefer Freedom to Slavery.

I have Just mentioned a People Professing Christianity. I believe there is a few who now & then go to Church but by all the Observation I have been able to make I find that Horse Racing, Frolicking Rioting Gaming of all Kinds Open Markets, and Traffick, to be the Chief Business of their Sabbaths. I am far from Supposing there is not a few Righteous there But was it to have the chance which Soddom had, that if there was five Righteous men it Should Save the City. I believe there would be only a Lot & Family, & his wife I should be afraid would Look Back.

Another remark that I shall make is this, Marriage in Most Countrys is Deemed Sacred, and here there are many honourable and I believe happy Matches, But to see among the Commonalty a Man take a Woman without so much Ceremony as Jumping over a Broom Stick at the time of their Agreement, to see her Content herself to be his Slave to work hard to maintain him & his Babs & then to Content herself with a flogging if she only says a word out of Doors at the End of it, and then take his other Doxy who Perhaps has Served him well – and so one Lover to another, Succeeds another and another after that the last fool is as welcome as the former, till having liv,d hour out he Gives Place & Mingles with the herd who went Before him. These things may to some People who are unacquainted with such Transactions appear Strange and Odd, but how shall I express myself – what Feelings have I had within myself to behold one of these Slaves or Rather whole Tribes of them belonging to one Master who Perhaps has the happiness of an Ofspring of beautifull Virgins whose Eyes must be continually assaulted with a Spectacle which Modesty forbids me to Mention. I have Seen at a Tea table a Number of the fair Sex, which a Man of Sentiments would have almost Ador,d and a man of Modesty would not have been so Indecent as to have Unbuttond his knee to adjust his Garter – Yet have I Seen a Servant of both Sexes Enter in Such Dishabitable as to be obligd to Display those Parts which ought to be Concealed. To see Men Approach the Room where those Angelick Creatures meet & View those Beautifull Countenances & Sparkling Eyes, which would almost tell You that they abhor,d the Cruel imposition of their Parents, who Perhaps Loaded with a Plentifull fortune, would not afford a decent Dress to their Servants to hide their Shame from such Sight I have turnd my Eyes. I would not mean to be two Severe nor have it thought but there are great numbers who have a Sence of the Necessity of a Due decorum keep their Servants in a Verry Genteel manner and do honor to their keepers but those who have Viewed such scenes as well as myself will testify to this Truth & Say with me that Droll appearances would Present themselves to view that in Spite of all that I could Do would Oblige me to give a total grin, the Particular above mentioned altho they appear a Little forecast are absolutely matters of fact & not Indeed to Convey any Ill Idea to ye mind.

In a Commertial way by what little opportunity I have had to make any Remarks on them. I find that in Casting up their accounts that there are a Number which Deservs to be Put on ye Cr Side. But money getting being Mankinds Universal harvest I find as many Reapers as one would wish to see in Such an Open Field for every one to have a fare Sweep with the Sickle which as frequently cuts your purse Strings as anything Else, their Rakes are Most Excellent nothing is lost for want of geathering & you may depend on it their Bins are so Close that But a trifle of what they Put in ever Comes out of the Cracks. Sometimes you will see a small Trifle peep its Nose out on a Billiard Table, now & then the four knaves will tempt a Small Parcell to walk on the Table, & I believe Black Gammon, Shuffle Board, horse Racing, & that Noble Game of Roleing two Bullets on the Sandy Ground Where if there Should be ye Least Breath air it would Blind you all those would help a little of it to Move & if I added Whoreing and Drinking they would Not Deny the Charge. If the things Mentioned above are to be Deemed Vices. I think no Person that Comes to Carolina will find any Scarcity, Provided they have such articles as Suits such a Market. I cannot from my hart Approve of their Method of Living – not but that their Provision is Wholesome but In Genral they Dont Coock it well. Rice bares the Sway, in Room of Bread, with any kind of victuals and Ever in Families of Fashion you will see a Rice Pudding (If it Deserves the Name) to be Eat as we do our Bread, I am affraid of Being too cencorious or I would Remark Numberless things which to a Person unacquainted with Place would even Look Childish to mention but as I only make this Obsn for my own amusement never Intending they Shall be ever seen but by Particular friends. I shall omit any niceities of Expressions and Shall write a few more Simple facts I have seen Gamblers, Men Pretended Friends to you that would hug you in their Bosoms till they were Certain they had Gotten what they could from you, & then for a Shilling would Cut Your Throat. I would not Mean by this to Convey the Idea of their being a Savage people in General. There are Gentlemen of Charracter & who Ritchly Deserve the Name – but as there are Near Seven Blacks to one White Man, the Austerities used to the Slaves in their Possessions, is the Reason as I immagion of their looking on & Behaving to a White Man who Differs from them in their Manners and not bred in their Country in a Way Not much Different from which they treats their Blacks. I Have been told that the Place is Much alterd from what it was Before the Present Dispute & that a Number of the Best Part of People are Moved out of Charlestown for the honour of Charlestown. I will believe it and wish it may be Restord to its Primitive Lusture. However let me not look all on the Dark Side there are Many things well worth Praise, there Publick Buildings are well finishd & Calculated for the Convenience of Publick & Private Affairs, their Churches make a verry fine Appearance and are finishd Agreeable to the Rules of Architecture. I do not Mean that they are the Most elegant I ever Saw, but so well Performd as would Declare those who Reared them Good Artissts, the Streets are well Laid out & a verry good Brick Walk on Each Side for foot Passengers, their Streets are not Pavd but Verry Sandy, and the heat of the Climate is Such that the Sand is Generally verry Disagreeable & Occasions a number of Insects Commonly Calld Sand flies, the Lowness of the Land and the Dead water in Different Places in the Town & out of it Occasions another Breed of Insects well Known by the Name of Musketoes. These Creatures are well disciplined for they do Not Scout in private Places nor in Small Companies as tho Affraid to attack but Joining in as many Different Colloums as there are Openings to Your Dwellings they make a Desperate push and Seldom fail to Annoy their Enemy in Such a Manner that they leave their Adversary in a Scratching humor the Next Morning throo Vexation. It would be endless to mention the advantages & Disadvantages of the Place but this I am fully Assurd of. If the White People would be so Industrous as to till the Land themselves and see every thing Done so as to have less of those Miserable Slaves in the Country the Place to me would have a verry Different Appearance. I have heard it Allegd as a Pretext for keeping so many Slaves that white People cannot Endure the heat of the Climate & that there can be but verry little done without these Slaves, that there could be but a verry little done is to me a Matter of Doubt, but that there would be but Verry little If the People Retain their Luxury & Love of all kinds of Sport is to me Beyond all doubt. I have Seen more Persons than a few worry themselves at Gaming In an Excessive hot Day in Such a Manner that a Moderate Days work would be a Pleasure to it. These things have convincd me of the Foolish wicked and Absurd Notions which People seem to have Adopted in General that Because these Issacars are like Issacars of Old. Strong Asser Couching Down between two Burthens and have not Got the means of Preserving their Liberty were they Ever So Desirous of it and are kept in Such a miserable manner as never to know the Blessings of it. I say these things have Convincd me of the Notorious Violation of the Rights of Mankind and which I think no Rational Man will Ever try to Justify. America my Earnest Prayer is that thou mayst preserve thy Own Freedom from any Insolvent Invaders who may attempt to Rob the of the Same – but be Sure to let Slavery of all kinds ever be Banishd from thy habbittations.