Kitobni o'qish: «An Account of the Abipones, an Equestrian People of Paraguay, (1 of 3)»

PREFACE

Martin Dobrizhoffer was born at Gratz in Styria, on the 7th of September, 1717. In the year 1736, he entered the order of the Jesuits; and in 1749 went as a Missionary to South America, where for eighteen years he discharged the duties of his office, first in the Guarany Reductions, latterly in a more painful and arduous mission among the Abipones, a tribe not yet reclaimed from the superstitions and manners of savage life. Upon the expulsion of the Jesuits from Spanish America, he returned to his native country, and, after the unjust and impolitic extinction of his order, continued to reside at Vienna till his death, which took place July 17, 1791. The Empress Maria Theresa used frequently to send for Dobrizhoffer, that she might hear his adventures from his own lips; and she is said to have taken great pleasure in his cheerful and animated conversation.

These notices concerning him have been obtained from one of the last survivors of his celebrated order.

In 1784, he published the work, a translation of which is now laid before the public. The original title is Historia de Abiponibus, Equestri, Bellicosaque Paraquariæ Natione, locupletata copiosis Barbararum Gentium, Urbium, Fluminum, Ferarum, Amphibiorum, Insectorum, Serpentium præcipuorum, Piscium, Avium, Arborum, Plantarun, aliarumque ejusdem Provinciæ Proprietatum Observationibus; Authore Martino Dobrizhoffer, Presbytero, et per Annos duodeviginti Paraquariæ Missionario. A German translation, by Professor Kreil of the University of Pest, was published at Vienna in the same year. There is no other work which contains so full, so faithful, and so lively an account of the South American tribes.

His motives for undertaking the work, and his apology for the manner in which it is executed, may best be given in his own words: —

"In America, I was often interrogated respecting Europe; in Austria, on my return to it, after an absence of eighteen years, I have been frequently questioned concerning America. To relieve others from the trouble of inquiring, myself from that of answering inquiries, at the advice of some persons of distinction, I have applied my mind to writing this little history; an undertaking which, I am aware, will be attended with doubtful success and infinite vexation, in this age, so abundant in Aristarchi, accustomed to commend none but their own, or their friends' productions, and to contemn, as abortive, those of all other persons."

"A seven years' residence in the four colonies of the Abipones has afforded me opportunities of closely observing their manners, customs, superstitions, military discipline, slaughters inflicted and received, political and economical regulations, together with the vicissitudes of the recent colonies; all which I have described with greater fidelity than elegance, and for the want of this I am surely to be pardoned; for who can expect the graces of Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Strada, or Maffeus, from one who, for so many years, has had no commerce with the muses, no access to classical literature? Yet in writing of savages, I have taken especial care that no barbarisms should creep into my language. If my sincerity be only acknowledged, I shall have attained my object: for candour was always the most noble ornament of an historian. To record true, and as far as possible well-established facts, has been my chief aim. When you read, I do not ask you to praise or admire, but to believe me; that I think I may justly demand."

"What I have learnt amongst the Paraguayrians in the course of eighteen years, what I have myself beheld in the colonies of the Indians and Spaniards, in frequent and long journeys through woods, mountains, plains, and vast rivers, I have set forth, if not in an eloquent and brilliant narration, certainly in a candid and accurate one, which is at least deserving of credit. Yet I do not look upon myself as a person incapable of making a mistake, and unwilling to be corrected. Convince me of error and I shall yield, and become as pliable as wax. Yet I advise you to proceed with caution; for you may err in judging as well as I in writing. So far am I from deeming this little work of mine perfect, that before it is printed and published, I intend to correct and polish it. But as I am now fast approaching my six-and-sixtieth year, I dare no longer defer the publication, lest the work should prove a posthumous one. These premises I have thought proper to make. Adieu! friendly reader, whoever you are; and pardon the errors of the press, and of the author likewise: for, Nihil humanum a me alienum puto."

In the course of the work, Dobrizhoffer frequently takes occasion to refute and expose the erroneous statements of other writers respecting the Jesuits in Paraguay, and the malignant calumnies by which the ruin of their institutions in that country was so unhappily effected. It has been deemed advisable to omit many of these controversial parts, which, though flowing naturally from one who had been an active member of that injured society, must of course be uninteresting in this country, and at these times. In other parts also, the prolixity of an old man, loving to expatiate upon the pursuits and occupations of his best years, has been occasionally compressed. No other liberty has been taken with the translation. The force and liveliness and peculiarity of the original must of necessity lose much, even in the most faithful version. Yet it is hoped, that under this inevitable disadvantage, Dobrizhoffer will still be found one of those authors with whom the reader seems to become personally familiar.

PREFATORY BOOK ON THE STATE OF PARAGUAY

Paraguay is a vast region in South America, extending very widely in every direction. From Brazil to the kingdoms of Peru and Chili, they reckon 700 Spanish leagues: from the mouth of the river La Plata, to the northern region of the Amazons, 1,100. Some reckon more, some fewer leagues, according as they use German, French, or Spanish miles. Concerning this matter, a determinate opinion must not be expected. These huge tracts of land, receding very far from the Colonies, are not yet rightly explored; possibly, never will be.

Geometry is there a rara avis; and were any one capable of measuring the land, and desirous of the attempt, he would want the courage to enter it, deterred either by the fear of savages, or by the difficulties of the journey. Men of our order, seeking out savages for God and the Catholic King, examined the coverts of its forests, the summits of its mountains, and the banks of its remotest rivers, traversing, to the utmost of their ability, every part of the province, always risking, and often losing, their lives. In Peru and Mexico, there is no corner which the Europeans, attracted by the hope of gold, have not searched into; but we are still unacquainted with great part of Paraguay, a region unproductive of gold, and, therefore, wanting the requisite allurement. As for what is discovered, who can deny that it is almost entirely owing to the efforts of the Missionaries? The plains which they traversed, the rivers which they crossed, together with the distances of places, they have noted with the utmost fidelity, though not always with equal art.

Paraguay is subject to the King of Spain, in whose authority it is ruled by three governours, and as many bishops. Each province has its governour; the first is that of La Plata, on the banks of which is the city of Buenos-Ayres, the seat of the royal governour, and of a bishop. It is famous for an academy, monasteries for both sexes, a port, and a citadel, which, though impregnable to the assaults of savages, and even of the citizens themselves, would soon yield to the warlike engines of Europeans; the river compensates for the weakness of the walls, ships being prevented, by shoals, from approaching. It is destitute of a wall, ditch, gates, and similar fortifications; defects common to all the other cities of the province. The inhabitants are reckoned at 40,000, the dwellings at about 3000, constructed chiefly of brick, and roofed with tiles; but they are all low, excepting a few of two stories. The churches are handsome, even to the eye of an European. The finest are two of which Primoli, a Roman lay-brother of our order, and now in repute in his native city, was the architect. There are no public fountains, colossal statues, or images of the Saints in the market-place. You may count more carriages in Austrian Vienna in one street, and in one hour, than you can here, in the whole city, during a whole year. Troops of horse may be seen every moment, nor is it surprising, that even those of moderate estate should, in the Spanish tongue, be called Cavalleros. Military rank, the magistracy of the city, and similar dignities, alone confer nobility. The riches of the inhabitants consist rather in cattle, than in money. The land round about the city, for near two hundred leagues, is a well wooded plain, often destitute of water, but rich in corn and pasturage, the latter of which feeds innumerable herds of cattle, horses, and mules. Wherever you turn you meet droves of wild horses, the property of the first that catches them. Besides willows, in which the islands of the river abound, the peach tree is constantly made use of for fuel.

Buenos-Ayres is one of the principal emporiums of America, merchandise being either brought from Spain, or secretly smuggled from the Portugueze. The more wealthy carry on a lucrative trade with Peru and Chili, in mules and the herb of Paraguay. The climate is moist. Tempests are equally violent at all times of the year, thunder often continuing for whole days and nights; this is common to all parts of Paraguay. Clouds, pregnant with fire and water, terrify, and often destroy, both men and cattle, either with lightning, or hail of an incredible magnitude, the like to which Europe has never seen. The city is situated in S. lat. 34° 36´, and in long. 321° 3´.

On the eastern shore of the river stands Nova Colonia do Sacramento, opposite to Buenos-Ayres, which the Spaniards, as built and fortified by the Portugueze on Spanish ground, have often besieged, and as often restored by treaty; a restoration which the inhabitants of Buenos-Ayres openly favoured, having in view their profitable traffic with the Portugueze. But the revenue of the Catholic King was grievously affected by the gains of these private individuals, from the diminution of the customary taxes. This little city, the subject of so many disputes, stands on the higher bank of the river. The houses are few and low, forming a village, rather than city, yet it is far from despicable; opulent merchants, wares of every kind, gold, silver, and diamonds are concealed beneath its miserable roofs. Surrounded with a single and very slender wall, though sufficiently stored with military engines, arms, and provisions, for the sudden occasions of war, it yet discovers neither strength nor elegance. The land under Portugueze authority is of such small circumference, that the most inactive person might walk round it in half an hour. Portugueze ships, laden with English and Dutch wares, and Negro slaves, which have a great sale in America, crowd to this port, and the Spanish sentinels, either bribed or deceived, convey the goods to Paraguay, Peru, or Chili. It is incredible how many millions are lost to the Spaniards in this forbidden traffic. Hence it is easy to guess why the Portugueze have ever determined to defend this colony, at all costs, and the Spaniards, on the other hand, to destroy it.

During my residence of two days, the appearance of the place was such, that I thought it might be taken, in one assault, by a hundred soldiers. But as the fear of war came upon them, I doubt not, that new fortifications were added to the old wall, as the siege cost so much time and trouble to the Spanish General, Pedro Zevallos, a consummate officer, and of known success, who, when he prepared to storm the city, through a breach in the wall, secured as it was with a numerous garrison and military engines, took it conditionally, October 31, 1762. Before the walls were yet repaired, twelve English and Portugueze ships of war arrived there, intending to reduce the Spaniards, then masters of the city. They conducted the affair with much noise, but little success. Chance put an end to the engagement, when it had lasted a few hours. The English Admiral's ship being burnt, the rest fled hastily to the ports of Brazil, the English throwing the blame on the cowardice of the Portugueze, and they in turn accusing the foolhardiness of the English. For the one fought under the very gates, that they might be near to strike home; the other at a distance, lest themselves should be injured. This they threw in each other's teeth. Transient, however, was the advantage which Paraguay derived from this victory; for peace being ratified between the European powers, the Spaniards restored Nova Colonia to the Portugueze, that they might recover the Havanna, and Manilla, capital of the Philippines, both which places the English had taken from them. After a few years, war was rekindled; and Pedro Zevallos, having conquered the Island of Santa Catharina, took it a second time. Finally, in the last peace concluded between the courts of Madrid and Lisbon, it was ceded to the Spanish. This was a bitter loss to the Portugueze, yet by the accession of new territories, many more inlets were opened to them. Cuyaba, a place rich in gold, Matto Grosso, the little fort of S. Rosa, (called La Estacada,) and other colonies, were added to Portugal. Some think this intimate connection dangerous to Peru, hurtful to the Spaniards, and advantageous only to the Portugueze. For what should hinder the latter, accustomed, as they are, from their infancy, to arms and difficult routes, and never slothful in extending the limits of their kingdom, from going and possessing themselves of the treasures of Potosi, a mountain abounding in silver, but destitute of iron, and of men to wield it? Some years ago, when I was in Paraguay, a handful of Portugueze defended the little fort of S. Rosa, (La Estacada,) against a numerous army of Spaniards and Indians, enlisted at Potosi, the assailants being shamefully repulsed. About the same time, a very few Portugueze sallied from the same fort, and coming artfully by night, surprised S. Miguel, a Peruvian city, inhabited by Indian Christians, called Moxos. Two Jesuit priests, who had the care of the city, were dragged into captivity; one of them, an old man, fell a victim to the journey, whilst the other was thrown into prison. The Indians, except those who had escaped by flight, were driven out and dispersed, and every thing was rifled. But away with these sad memorials; for we would not tear open the newly seared wound, we would not presage ill for the future. That the happiness and safety of these flourishing estates may be confirmed by a lasting alliance, is the desire and the prophecy of every good man.

Fifty leagues to the south of Nova Colonia, on the same shore, stands Monte-Video, a little city, founded in the year 1726, by D. Bruno Mauritio Zavala, Governour of Buenos-Ayres; and afterwards fortified with a wall, a castle, and, here and there, with tiers of cannon, by the labours of the Guaranies. Besides soldiers and Guaranies, it contains many men from the Canary islands. On every side the land is fertile in corn, the farms large, and the cattle and horses incredibly numerous. The produce of the farms is a provision for the colonists, and there is daily opportunity of selling cattle and hides for corn: as the ships, which frequently leave this port, need a provision for many months, scarce a single vessel sets sail without a freight of twenty or thirty thousand ox hides for Europe. Grievous it is that so rich a soil should lie open to the devastating savages, who rise up in troops from their coverts, in quest of blood or booty, always creating terror, and often inflicting death. By no arts can they be subdued, by no kindness be won to the friendship and religion of the Spaniards. Fiercer than wild beasts, they have now for two centuries mocked the toil of soldiers and of priests. The latitude of this city is 34° 48´, its longitude 322° 20´.

About thirty leagues from hence lies the gulph of Maldonado, affording a commodious station for ships, even of large burden. Except sentinels, you see nothing here but a few cabins, the abodes of misery. Hard by is an island, the habitation of seals; it lies nearly in the middle of the river, and were the natural rock on which it stands defended by a double tier of cannon, how would it guard Paraguay against its enemies! For they could not elude the fire of the cannon by taking the east side of the river, unless they preferred being buried in the Banco Ingles, or English shoal.

To the government of Buenos-Ayres belong the cities of Santa Fé and Corrientes; the one on the east, and the other on the west shore of the Parana. The former is the handsomest and most opulent. From its trade in divers articles, and from its countless herds of cattle, it amasses wealth to a great amount. In former years, it was almost razed to the ground, and thus reduced to solitude, by the barbarous Abipones, Mocobios, Tobas, and Charruas. The more valuable and remoter estates were entirely destroyed; slaughters were committed, in the very market-place, at mid-day; and it was provided by law, that no one should enter the church, unless armed with a musket. But after we had founded the colonies of S. Xavier, S. Jeronymo, Concepcion, S. Pedro, and S. Pablo, this city began to take breath, and, flourishing again, returned the security it had previously received. Before, behind, and on both sides, it is bounded by rivers, which, when they overflow, threaten destruction to the inhabitants, but are, at other times, extremely beneficial to them.

Its latitude is 31° 46´. From Buenos-Ayres, its distance is reputed to be an hundred leagues.

The other city, which the Spaniards call De las Siete Corrientes, takes its name from seven points of the rock jutting out into the Parana, against which the current breaks with great violence, and flowing on very rapidly, carries down ships, coming up the stream, unless in full sail under a strong wind. A row-boat, in the passage of the river, must make many windings to avoid the rapidity of the current, as I have often experienced: for hard upon the city, the great river Paraguay flows into the still greater river Parana, the one changing its course, and the other its name. For the Parana, rolling on from east to west, when joined to the Paraguay, hurries down in a southerly direction with it. The Paraguay loses its name for that of the Parana after its junction with that river. It is inconceivable with what a mass of water these conjoint streams roll proudly down in one mighty channel. If you did not see the banks, you might fancy it a sea. This place, in name alone a city, and unworthy of the name, is chiefly composed of mud-hovels, with roofs of palm-leaves. The inhabitants are remarkable for their beauty, fascinated by which, many of the Europeans are entangled in marriages, which they repent for the rest of their lives. The women destroy themselves with labour, weaving, and exquisitely embroidering garments, which they call ponchos. The men are naturally agile, lively, and expert in horsemanship; but, from their indolence and love of ease, are oppressed with poverty, when they might abound in every thing, if they but knew how to improve the fertility of the soil, and the advantages of the river. The Abipones, who had long afflicted the neighbourhood with slaughter and rapine, being at length subdued, and settled in the new colony of St. Ferdinand, the inhabitants revived after they had entertained thoughts of deserting the city, and the use of the fields and woods, on the other side of the river, was restored them. These last, being stocked with noble trees, afford excellent materials for building ships and waggons. The fields supply pasturage for cattle of various kinds. The inhabitants derive considerable profits from these sources; gains which the daily fear of assailing savages deprived them of. The lat. of the city is 27° 43´, its long. 318° 57´.

In the jurisdiction of the Governour of Buenos-Ayres, are also thirty Guarany towns, on or near the banks of the Parana, the Uruguay, and the Paraguay. By geographers they are called Doctrines, or the land of Missions; but the ignorant or malicious style them, in their books, the kingdom of the Jesuits, a republic rebellious to the Catholic King, painting them in the blackest colours which envy and unbridled calumny can suggest. Let me be excused, if to manifest the falsehood of their calumnies, I mention the following facts: – That the Jesuit missionaries have ever left Europe at the expense of the Catholic King, for the purpose of founding new colonies, and preserving the old – that they are supported by an annual stipend from the royal purse – that the Guaranies pay yearly tribute to the King – that a century before as many thousands as were appointed, fought in the royal camps without any stipend, whenever they were called upon by the royal governour – that the parishes are visited by the Bishops as often as seems good – that the Bishops are honourably received, and splendidly entertained, it may be for many weeks – that the castles of Buenos-Ayres and Monte-Video were built under the direction, indeed, of the Spaniards, but by the labour of the Guaranies – that the royal army consists chiefly of the Guaranies, under our authority, which were ruled by a few Spaniards, as the body by the soul, in every undertaking against the warlike savages, against the Portugueze and their town of Nova Colonia, so often attacked and taken, or against the insurgents of the city of Concepcion. The Guaranies were governed by the Jesuits, to whose care they were intrusted by the Catholic kings, not as slaves by their masters, but as children by their parents; and these towns were conducted in a manner precisely conformable to the royal laws.

By the labours of nearly two centuries, the Guaranies, formerly wandering cannibals and obstinate enemies to the Spaniards, have been reduced to civilization, to religion, and to the sceptre of the Catholic King. With what labour, what expense of lives the Jesuits have effected this – how infinitely these thirty towns surpass the other American tribes in the number of their inhabitants, in Christian morality, in the splendour of their churches, in their prompt loyalty, in mechanical skill, in arts, and in military activity, you may learn from the letters every where published of the kings, the royal governours, and the Spanish bishops; from the works of Doctor D. Francisco Xarque, Dean of Albarrazin, an eye-witness, of the learned Abbot Antonio Muratori, and an anonymous Englishman, whose book was translated from English into German, at Hamburgh, in the year 1768. This work gave me great pleasure, though it sometimes made me smile, especially where the author says, "We Europeans doat when we blame the Jesuits of Paraguay. It were better to deliberate how we may bring about in Europe, what they effect among the Guarany Indians without violence and without money. In their towns, each labours for all, and all for each. Without needing to buy or sell, every one possesses the necessaries of a comfortable subsistence, victuals, lodging, medicine, and education. Money wanting, all is wanting, say the Europeans; the Guaranies, on the other hand, though destitute of gold and silver, though unacquainted with any kind of money, daily experience the truth of the aphorism, Dii laboribus omnia vendunt, God gives every thing to labour. Proportioning the task to their age, their sex, and their strength, they are always employed, never oppressed with labour. Of luxuries they are ignorant, superfluity they know not, yet are happier in their contentment than the wealthiest in their opulence. He is not prosperous to whom much abounds, but whom little suffices. The Jesuit priests are curates not of the souls, but of the bodies of the Guaranies." Being in subjection only to the Catholic King and the royal governours, not in dreaded slavery amongst private Spaniards, like the other Indians, the towns increase wonderfully every year in population under our care, and fresh towns were now and then added to the old ones. In the year 1732, 141,252 inhabitants were reckoned in the thirty colonies of the Guaranies; but the small-pox breaking out soon after, cut off thirty thousand of them. Some time after it returned again, but in a milder form, and eleven thousand only were its victims. The measles, likewise, so fatal to Americans, made repeated ravages to a frightful extent. I write from experience in both, for in my office of priest, I attended the sick of the small-pox and measles, day and night, for many months. Famine, also, arising from the continued drought and consequent density of the land, filled the tombs with Guaranies. Add to these, the victims of war in the royal camps, where five, and sometimes six thousand men were detained. In 1767, when we bade America farewell, there were about an hundred thousand numbered in these towns. M. Louis Antoine de Bougainville, in his work entitled Voyage autour du Monde, printed at Neufchatel, in the year 1772, must be read with caution. He loads the Jesuits with egregious praises, but by and bye relates a thousand things as contrary to truth as dishonourable to us and the Guarany colonies. Pessimum inimicorum genus laudantes, says Tacitus, in the life of Agricola. I would not, however, willingly believe that an author, the distinguished favourite of Mars, of Neptune, and, unless I am deceived, of all the Muses, is to be classed with these knaves. True it is, he wrote falsely concerning us and the Guaranies; but rather deceived by the narrations of others, than through envy or malice. He never even saw the Guarany towns from a distance. I wish he had seen them! he would have painted the Indians and their missionaries in fairer colours. A little while, and but a little while, he remained in Buenos-Ayres, the port and threshold of Paraguay. There he drew the very worst notions, from the very worst sources, and gave them to Europe as the undoubted truth. Alas! alas! the friendliest well-wisher could not then, without danger, advocate our cause. The rising, not the setting sun is praised by the multitude, and such was then our fate. A Spaniard of no despicable authority has opened his mind in these words: "If every thing else which M. de Bougainville has written on the other provinces be as false as what he has said concerning Paraguay, let his history be carried to the spice shop to wrap pepper; yea, to a meaner office."

As for Paraguay being the kingdom of the Jesuits, it is the dream – the stupid fiction of Bernardo Ybañez, a Spaniard, twice expelled from our society. It would be endless to mention all whose vile detractions have calumniated the towns and the missionaries of the Guaranies. To refute them, I oppose the histories of Father Nicolas del Techo; La Conquista Espiritual of Father Antonio Ruiz de Montoya; the history of Father Pedro de Lozano; the familiar epistles of Father Antonio Sepp to his brother; the French original of Father Francis Xavier Charlevoix, (for the German translation is wretchedly mutilated and corrupted); the annual accounts of Paraguay, printed at Rome; and the letters of Philip the Fifth – his two epistles to the Jesuit missionaries of Paraguay, dated from the palace of Buen-retiro, the 28th of December, 1743; the letter, printed with them, of the illustrious Joseph de Peralta, bishop of Buenos-Ayres, in which, himself an eye-witness, he acquaints the same Philip with the state of the Guarany colonies. These important documents translated into Latin, and published in 1745, are every where on sale: – from a perusal of them you may learn, that the Guaranies are not only obedient to the Catholic King, but especially prompt in their repulsion of his enemies, exceeding the other American nations in the extent of their services. The sedition of the Guaranies dwelling near the banks of the Uruguay, may perhaps be objected; but what was the cause? Exasperation against the royal decrees, which delivered up seven of the finest towns of Paraguay to the Portugueze, and obliged thirty thousand of their inhabitants to migrate into solitude, or seek a precarious livelihood among the other colonies. Long and vigorously did the Indians oppose the mandate, not through hatred of the king, but love of their country. What! do we think the Spaniards, French, or Germans would act otherwise, if compelled by the command of their sovereigns to relinquish their native land to enemies? For dear to every one is his country; particularly so to the Americans. Hence, though no one can approve the repugnance of the Indians of the Uruguay, who does not think it, in some measure, worthy of excuse and pardon? They erred in understanding, rather than in will; for their loyalty to the Catholic King was sound and lively. No eloquence of the missionaries could induce them to believe themselves condemned by their good king, to a perpetual and miserable exile from their native soil, in favour of the Portugueze, their enemies. "In nothing," (said they in their letters to Joseph Andonaegui, the royal governour,) "in nothing have we or our ancestors sinned against our monarch – never have we injured the Spanish colonies: how then shall we, unoffending subjects, believe ourselves sentenced to exile by the will of our gracious sovereign? Our grandfathers, great grandfathers, and in like manner all our brothers have frequently fought under the royal banners against the Portugueze – frequently against the armies of the savages. Who shall count the number of those our countrymen who have fallen in battle, or in the repeated sieges of Colonia? We, the survivors, still bear about us scars, monuments of our loyalty and courage. To extend the limits of the Spanish domains, to defend them against invaders, has ever been our first desire; nor have we spared our lives in its accomplishment. Would the Catholic King have these our deserts repaid with the most grievous punishments – with the loss of our country, our handsome churches, our houses, fields, and spacious farms? It exceeds belief. But if this be really true, what can we ever deem incredible? In the letters of Philip the Fifth, (which were read to us at his command, from the pulpits of our churches,) we were instructed never to allow the Portugueze to approach our territories – that they and theirs were our bitterest enemies. Now they cry out to us, day and night, that the monarch wills our ceding to the Portugueze those noble, those spacious tracts of land, which nature, which God, which the Spanish sovereign himself had yielded us; and which we have cultivated for upwards of a century with the sweat of our brows. Who shall persuade us that Ferdinand, so dutiful a son, will command what Philip, his excellent father, had so often forbidden? But if, indeed, these enmities be changed into friendship, (for both times and disposition do often change,) and the Spaniards be desirous of gratifying the Portugueze, let them grant them the spacious plains void of inhabitants and of colonies, with our free leave. What! shall we give up our towns to the Portugueze, by whose ancestors so many thousands of our countrymen have been either slain, or forced into cruel slavery in Brazil? – We can neither suffer nor believe it. When, embracing Christianity, we swore allegiance to God and the Catholic King, the priests and royal governours with one voice promised us the friendship and protection of the king: now, though guilty of no crime, and deserving every good return for our services, we are constrained to expatriate, a punishment most grievous, and almost intolerable. What man in his senses will believe the faith of the Spaniards, so versatile in the performance of promises – their friendship so slippery and unsound?" To this effect wrote the Indian chiefs to the royal governour, who, being a well-wisher both to the king and the Indians, when he saw their letter, could hardly refrain from tears; but suppressing pity through military obedience, he never ceased urging the execution of the royal decree to the utmost of his power, and threatening those who refused to obey it with all extremities.